Tag: SME’s

Making it through the crisis: Africa’s crisis response policy

A few weeks ago I wrote a piece on what Africa can do to kickstart its economy and drive long term growth after the coronavirus crisis has ended. What’s becoming clear is that the crisis will be longer and deeper than many had first thought. This poses the question, what policies do we need to put in place so that when it ends, we are in a position to kickstart a recovery.

African governments do not have the financial firepower or operational capability that developed countries have deployed. But I do not believe that means we are hobbled. As policy responses around the world are showing, what was previously thought impossible, too expensive or too complex is doable. The same applies to Africa. To make it through the crisis we must abandon the art of the possible and attempt the impossible. This crisis presents critical obligations to African policymakers, that we must be bold and creative to save lives, livelihoods and possibly the state itself. This crisis also presents policymakers with an opportunity, to redefine what policy in Africa can do, particularly when health, wealth and well-being of its people are at its centre.

The Nature of the crisis

This crisis is unlike anything Africa has seen before. Its effects are multiple, simultaneous and intense.

First, this crisis will last longer than many of us thought. Until there is a widely available vaccine or cure, we will continue to see outbreaks, travel restrictions, social distancing, quarantines etc. In various parts of the world and Africa as governments try to avoid a second wave. Considering the staggered way in which the virus has spread across the world, it’s estimated that the most severe restrictions will continue for the next 3-6 months and various restrictions could remain in place for up to 18 months until medical solutions are widely available.

Economically the World Bank predicts the continent could lose between $37 billion and $79 billion in output and face a recession of –5.1% (negative 5.1%). Furthermore, agricultural production (the most important sector in terms of output and employment on the continent) could contract by between 2.6% and 7%. This is an economic disaster for the continent. The formal sector will be defined by falls in productivity, revenues and severe job losses. In the informal sector which accounts for 89% of employment on the continent, its traders, farmers, vendors, MSME’s, tradespeople who rely on daily incomes are facing disaster if those incomes are disrupted endangering their ability to afford food and shelter not just for them but also the people who rely on them.

This crisis will also stretch our healthcare systems, in many cases past their breaking points. Endangering, the lives of those with Covid-19 and the lives of those who need medical attention for things other than Covid-19 (expectant mothers, HIV-AIDS patients, cancer patients, malaria patients etc.).

Internationally, help (financial or technical) from the traditional donor/development aid community will not be as forthcoming, as it has been during previous crises, as they try to deal with the crises within their borders. Thus, Africa cannot rely on the international community as we have become accustomed to doing.

With all these effects, in responding to this crisis we have to have a core goal. That we have to keep our people fed, healthy and secure livelihoods as far as is possible. Which means designing and implementing a mechanism to enable people to keep themselves fed and secure. Providing lifelines to the informal and formal sectors, so that people have livelihoods to sustain themselves in the long run. Restructuring how our governments communicate with the public to ensure that the measures taken are as effective as possible and provide a foundation for re-forging our societies.

Keeping people fed and secure

This is probably the biggest headache facing African policymakers in their response to the crisis, and many will default to what they know, distributing foodstuffs. However, what we need in a situation like the current crisis where millions of people who were ok now fall into vulnerability, is a solution that is big, simple and fast. One solution that encapsulates all three is cash transfers. Give vulnerable populations money and trust them to know how best to use it. As I have previously written, cash transfers are effective, and people are rarely irresponsible with them. With innovations like mobile money which has permeated across much of the continent, it is possible to get money where it needs to go and to do it quickly. And, it avoids the mess of corruption and delays associated with government procurement. Finally, it puts money where the economy needs it. In the hands of consumers who buy their food and other essentials from the informal economy, keeping those value chains alive.

How do we pay for this? Simple, print money. The UK is doing this. Those afraid of inflation should note that the money would be replacing depleted economic activity, thus limiting the inflationary impact.

Reinforcing health systems

First, African countries need to devote more resources to public health. For decades we have let public health fall into a state of disrepair and underfunding. Over the short term, this needs to be remedied by immediately ramping up funding, and resourcing over the short term to fund the immediate Covid-19 response. As well as thinking through how to implement public health measures in an African context. Rather than lockdowns, how can we make markets which are critical nodes of the food system sanitary and credibly social distant? How do we make informal settlements where people share multiple spaces as safe as possible?

But it also represents an opportunity to start long term investment in community health. If we want to keep hospitals free to treat Covid-19 we need to deliver care to people in their communities. This means public health communication and education, provision of basic care at a grassroots level and investing in preventative infrastructure (sanitation, water, clean cooking etc). That could over the long-term form the basis of a viable universal healthcare system.

Paying for this will require shifting resources for normal noncritical spending (non-salary and critical operations) to the health systems, delaying or freezing development projects and tapping into capital markets (borrowing) where possible.

A lifeline to the economy

Through no fault of their own, businesses across the continent are suffering as demand falls, export markets go into lockdown, their supply chains are disrupted, and their consumers stay at home. To save jobs, livelihoods and in some cases whole industries. Many governments have already put in place tax holidays and encouraged banks to renegotiate loans with businesses. However, in a recession predicted to be deep, more is needed, and this could consist of several measures such as:

  • The utilisation of domestic private sector capacity by the government as part of the crisis response. Using streamlined public procurement to buy goods and services (e.g. Masks, logistics and transport, beds etc.) that are needed by the government to respond to the crisis. This will help keep some local businesses alive and build local capacity.
  • An SME loan program divided into two tranches. The first tranche would be given now, to keep SME’s alive and the second tranche would be given when the WHO declares the crisis over to enable SME’s to quickly restart their operations. This can be done by the banking sector backed by a guarantee given by the central bank in case of defaults. The guarantee would have 2 conditions: low-interest rates and a 6-12-month grace period before the loan payments start to give SME, breathing room. This would have the effect of giving SME’s working capital and keeping the credit system alive.
  • Safe business programs. Many businesses require social interaction such as open markets, salons & barbershops, restaurants bars and clubs, etc. We should be developing guidelines and rules for safe interactions in these businesses that integrate sanitary measures and social distancing (where possible) to enable these businesses to reopen as early as possible without endangering public health.
  • Utility bill and commercial rent holidays to ease pressure on businesses with reduced cash flows. Utility providers and commercial landlords can be provided with tax credits to offset the reduced revenue. I

Communicating with the public

I have written previously on the need for effective and persistent communications strategies to be built into policy design. This is critically important during a crisis, where not only do the public need to know what is happening, they need to buy into it, trust what their governments are saying and understand that it is being done for the public good. For that to happen governments have to change how they communicate with their publics from talking at them to engaging with them, this means:

  • Be honest. Now is not the time for bluster or false assertions. If governments lie and people die as a result, trust will be fundamentally broken, and people will be unwilling to listen again. Thus, governments must lay out the truth to their people, what this crisis will do to every one’s health, livelihoods and general welfare and why they are implementing exceptional measures.
  • Explain your thinking. Governments will be implementing measures that will affect people’s lives in a multitude of ways. As the heavy hand of government, intervenes in people’s lives in unprecedented ways, the government must explain why, what drove the thinking, and what they are hoping to achieve
  • Accept and respond to criticism. No policy response will be perfect. Being able to acknowledge where something has not gone as planned or was not implemented properly and communicating real action taken to fix it, will build trust and support.
  • Communicate often. This is a constantly evolving crisis; people need to be updated regularly. In times like these, there is no such thing as talking too little.
  • Engage across channels. To reach everyone, you must go where they are, which means going beyond traditional media onto social media, and breaking language barriers. If information is inaccessible, then it may as well not exist.

Communicating, honestly, effectively, and openly will help reshape the relationship that has been characterised by a lack of trust between opaque African governments and populaces that have long been indifferent to whatever pronouncements and declarations those governments make. Rebuilding trust can be the basis for rebuilding the sense of community and society that too many African countries have lost, reinforced by genuine efforts to assist people.

A pan-African response

Though the international community may be pre-occupied, it does not mean the pan-African community cannot respond. Though we may not have the money or the resources that the developed world can deploy, we can cooperate to ease the pain of the crisis. Critical areas of cooperation would be:

  • Sharing data and information on how the pandemic is evolving in each country. providing public health officials and policymakers valuable data on the epidemiology of the virus within similar demographics that can help every country fine-tune their response.
  • Sharing policy responses. What measures have implemented in other African states, how effective have they been, can they be adopted elsewhere.
  • Sharing resources. If the crisis has eased in one country but is ramping up in another, they could provide resources (equipment, personnel, money) to help in that fight.
  • Buy Africa first. Stimulating the African private sector by encouraging African governments to buy what they cannot find at home (e.g. if there is a food shortage) in other African countries before looking abroad.
  • Engage the world as one. While African states do not agree on everything, this crisis will bring us together on various things. One of the most important of those things is Debt. Africa needs debt relief to give it the fiscal space to pay for the virus response and a post-crisis stimulus. Rather than have each African country go to its bilateral and development partners on its own to beg for debt relief or a payment pause. The message will be much more powerful if the continent speaks and negotiates with one voice, increasing its bargaining power and the momentum behind the issue.

Unprecedented crisis – an unprecedented response

This crisis is unlike anything Africa has ever seen before. Even the Ebola crisis of 2014 did not threaten the whole continent and had significant international assistance. It is hampering our health systems, economies and socio-cultural way of doing things on a scale we have never had to deal with.

This is by no means a comprehensive look at the policies that can or should be implemented. The policy interventions I have presented are a few among many that a lot of talented and clever people are thinking of across the continent. What I have tried to lay out in this piece is that this dual health and economic crisis is a threat to us all. And responding to this crisis requires a multi-pronged approach that is big and bold. That will need African governments to get out of their comfort zones and implement measures such as cash transfers which they have termed too expensive or too hard,  shift money from cherished infrastructure and other projects to the health system, invest in the private sector especially SME’s in new ways and talk to the public in a more genuine way.

If we do not respond in a big and bold manner, many African nations will emerge from this crisis hobbled, suffering extended socio-economic aftereffects and much more likely to suffer civil and political unrest. If we can respond with boldness then we could lay the foundations for a genuine recovery after the crisis, a public health system that isn’t an oxymoron, a reset of the relationship between private enterprise the and public good and a  much more positive relationship between the government and its peoples. I’m hopeful that maybe, this time, African leaders and policymakers will recognise this crisis for the threat it is and start thinking big and acting boldly.

Policy lessons for the Africa Continental Free Trade Area

On May 30th, 2019, thirty days after the 22nd African state had deposited the instruments of ratification, the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) came into force. For many, the AfCFTA is a cause for significant optimism. As the wider world (mainly the west) is increasingly questioning globalisation and integration, Africa is moving closer together. The AfCFTA is at the centre of that, a pan-continental free trade area that the African Development Bank thinks ‘will stimulate intra-African trade by up to $35 billion per year, creating a 52% increase in trade by 2022; and a vital $10 billion decrease in imports from outside Africa’.

The ambition is incredible, “a single continental market for goods and services, with free movement of businesspersons and investments”, but, as they say, the proof is in the pudding. Africa has tried this before (although on a smaller scale). There are a number of Regional Economic Communities (REC’s), around the continent. However, when it comes to trade, they have never quite hit their potential.

Figure 1: African Regional Economic Communities approved by the AU

 

For the AfCFTA to work we need to learn from the lessons that have held our own REC’s back as well as lessons from economic and trade areas such as the EU. Most important is that we must be the understanding that for the AfCFTA to meet its potential it must be designed with people at its centre and the social, economic and political realities of the diverse continent in mind.

1 – The Brexit lesson: a people-centred union

When it comes to trade unions, the elephant in the room is Brexit. One of the main drivers behind the Brexit vote was that it was seen as a project of the elite, benefiting certain people and groups while leaving another behind. If it is to work the AfCFTA cannot be seen as an elite project, it must be centred around the people that it is intended to serve this can be done in three critical ways.

First and foremost, African’s must be involved in the technical design of the AfCFTA. This means the team putting together the rules, regulations and policies that will govern the free trade area, must consult African people, civil society and business both big and small. Their input will be critical to ensuring that it is designed around the needs and aspirations of African’s.

Second, freedom of movement must not just apply to goods and money. If people cannot travel, meet, learn and engage with each other, the continent will not be able to pull together at a grassroots level. Thus, the AfCFTA must not just be about trade but about African’s coming together as well.

Third, it’s not just enough to sign a trade agreement, you must engage and educate people about them. In a previous post, I wrote about how good communication is a critical part of any policy this applies to the AfCFTA. People and business across the continent must be educated on what it is and how they can take advantage of it.

2- Learn from the EU: equality, flexibility and tempered ambition

After two devastating wars that had engulfed the world, integration was seen as the antidote to the rivalries and interstate competition that had been so destructive. As the world’s most successful trade union (despite its recent troubles) there is much that Africa can learn from the EU as it embarks on its own integration.

The first takeaway is matching ambition to reality. The first organised form of economic integration that emerged in Europe after the war was the European Coal and Steel Community. Which established a common market for coal and steel between 6 countries (France, Italy, Belgium, The Netherlands, Luxemburg and West-Germany). Though the Community was limited it went on to form the core of what we now know today as the EU, an ambition that the architects of the community held but knew they had to work towards. And therein lies the lesson for Africa. We are an incredibly diverse continent, with various countries pursuing development in their own way. Institution an all-encompassing trade union on July 1st, 2020 may be too much of political and economic shock for many to take. However, if – like Europe – we start a little smaller, with a group of goods and services that everyone can agree should be traded freely. We can, together, build the trust, institutions and relationships that will allow a wider system to succeed. This does not mean shelving the dream of a pan-African trade area, rather it means working towards it, building and expanding our common experience of it until it matches the vision.

Second, is that the political and economic power of the big countries must be balanced. As can be seen below the AfCFTA has the greatest levels of income disparity of any continental free trade agreement, and more than double the levels witnessed in blocs such as ASEAN and CARICOM.

This means that smaller countries must have genuine power in the institutional and decision-making design of the AfCFTA. The EU has historically faced a similar problem, Germany, France and the UK (though not for long) as the big political and economic powers in the union could dominate it. However, the political institutions of the EU are structured in such a way as to require consensus from all countries and that ensures that all countries have a say. It can be cumbersome and time-consuming but has been largely successful. Furthermore, the EU has been willing to be flexible, allowing some countries extra time to comply with certain rules, or like the UK to stay outside the Schengen and Euro. What this does is give some allowance for the political and economic realities of various states, thus making itself more acceptable to a wider section of the populace.

Africa’s diversity will require flexibility. We will not be able to move at the same pace, and the very real concerns that people have of being dominated by the two economic giants of the continent must be taken into account. Furthermore the aspirations and ambitions will differ from country to country, Kenya may want a trade deal with the USA but that shouldn’t mean it cannot trade with the rest of Africa within the framework AfCFTA. Flexibility allows for diversity, through which different countries and economies can develop different strenghts and specialisations. Combined, this diversity will boost trade within the contient, and beyond as Africa will be able to compete in a number of industries and products.

3- learn from ourselves: empower SME’s

Most businesses on the continent are Small or Medium Enterprises. If the AfCFTA is to be a success, it must learn from the existing regional economic communities, specifically what they fail to do – foster trade, by and between SME’s. The AfCFTA must put African SME’s front and centre. Doing this will require some imagination and bold policy moves as i have written about previously. This also ensures that the trade area won’t be the preserve of elite big businesses, and hopefully some of those SME’s will take advantage of the opportunity to grow.

Policy to make a dream a reality

I am not a sceptic. In fact, I am incredibly excited by the possibility that the AfCFTA can bring, I am in awe of the ambition and vision behind it and as an African, I am immensely proud that not only have we managed to get this far, but we are on the cusp of implementation.

However, the realist in me is afraid that if we do not get the design of the AfCFTA right it will be another in a pantheon of acronyms that litter the continent, shadows of the intent and ambition they were supposed to fulfil.

This need not be the case, if we learn the lessons from the failures of Brexit and the successes of the EU, and endeavour to keep the aspirations and endeavours of Africa’s people at its centre the AfCFTA can be the game-changer that we all hope it will be.

 

 

Africanising credit – Financing SME’s

Agriculture and SME’s (small and medium enterprises) are the backbone of Africa’s economy and societies. SME’s make up to 90% of all businesses in sub-Saharan Africa[1]. In Ghana approximately 92% of all local businesses are SME’s, providing up to 85% of manufacturing jobs in the country and contributing about 70% to the country’s GDP. In Nigeria, 37 million SMEs employ about 60 million people and account for about 48% of the country’s GDP. In South Africa, there are more than 2.2 million SMEs, about 1.5 million of them in the informal sector. As much as governments around the continent are looking to industrialise through attracting investment in large scale manufacturing, we cannot develop without our SME’s. SME’s provide the livelihoods for a significant number African’s and if they succeed, African economies and development will succeed.

However, SME’s also face an incredibly tough time. In South Africa, the Department of Small Business Development estimates that between 70%-80% of SME’s do not make it past their first year. In Kenya, the National Bureau of statistics found that at least 46% of Micro Small and Medium enterprises do not make it past their first year. What is preventing them from succeeding? Among the multitude of factors (some covered previously on this blog), one of the biggest is credit. The London Stock Exchange estimates that African SME’s face a funding gap of at least $140 billion African businesses find it incredibly hard to access credit, and credit is the fuel of the modern economy. Without credit, there is no safety net for businesses and farmers when things get a little tough. Without credit, it’s hard to fund growth and innovation. Without credit most businesses and farmers are limited to subsistence, to just surviving, because to develop we need those businesses to thrive.

Thus, the policy question becomes what can be done to ensure more credit gets to the SME’s. If the financial sector is not fit for purpose, how do we move beyond traditional definitions of collateral and banking to kickstart credit to these key sectors? The answer for many governments around the continent and development finance institutions (DFI’s) has been to try some sort of SME financing scheme such as giving banks money or guarantees to lend money to SME’s. However, this hasn’t worked, thus what’s needed is a new approach, based on evidence that takes advantage of new trends and technologies and thinks beyond banks. If so, the continent may be able to turbocharge their economies by enabling businesses that actually exist rather than those they hope will be created.

Understanding SME’s financing needs

Knowing that there is a problem and understanding the nature of that problem are two different things. Judging by their rhetoric, African governments understand the importance of SME’s to their economies and are more than willing to make commitments to improve their lot. However, before making promises to SME’s and formulating policies on the basis of those promises it is necessary to understand SME’s needs.

Thus, the first thing that African governments must do as they attempt to unlock the financing problem that SME’s face is to talk to SME’s. Understand whether the majority SME’s need financing to fund their day to day operations (working capital financing), credit to invest and grow their businesses, or trade financing to help fulfil orders or ensure that they have sufficient levels of stock. Secondly, governments need to understand how much money different types of SME’s actually require. Understanding the financing needs of SME’s will enable governments to design or enable solutions that SME’s actually need. Third, is for governments to understand the participants in the SME sector. Such as the nature of formal and informal player, the challenges facing SME’s in different sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture or the arts, the region of the country they are in etc. If the rhetoric of African governments is to become reality and SME’s are really going to be empowered African governments would do well to make a good faith effort to understand them properly first.

Beyond banking

As stated earlier many of the efforts to jumpstart SME financing have involved banks, with governments and DFI’s providing lines of credit or guarantees specifically earmarked for onward lending to SME’s. Around the continent there exist a plethora of government-owned development banks, private banks, and funds whose sole purpose is to lend to SME’s and start-ups. What’s clear is that traditional funding models (a bank loan) are not necessarily meeting the needs of African SME’s a report by the London Stock Exchange Group has placed the funding gap for African SMEs at more than $140bn. The report goes on to point out that among the key hurdles to SME’s accessing finance are:

  • Onerous credit checks from banks (especially foreign banks) restrict SME participation as SMEs often lack the track record and meaningful data inputs required.
  • Credit Bureaus (where defaulters are blacklisted) have, rather than de-risking credit, turned into a negative reinforcement tool as smaller companies run the risk of being ‘blacklisted’ if a single loan repayment is delayed.
  • Prohibitive collateral requirements: lenders seek high levels of collateral to mitigate the high risk associated with lending to SMEs

It may be time to think beyond bank loans when we ask how we can provide African SME’s with viable sustainable credit options. Across the continent, digital and mobile-based lenders are helping to fill the credit gap with innovative and ever-changing credit risk models allows them to better understand credit risk. Allowing them to lend to small business owners, traders and farmers to access short term credit. Often referred to as short term credit, this type of lending allows businesses to meet short-term funding gaps. For example, if an agricultural produce trader wants to stock for the day or week, they are limited to buying only what they can afford at that particular moment in time. However, with access to short term credit they can borrow, buy more produce, sell more produce and at the end of the day after paying the loan back they have made more money. This is not an abstract example it happens every day, especially in Kenya where mobile lending is now common. If banks are not willing to fill this gap, what policymakers and regulatory bodies such as central banks need to do is think about how we can we enable digital lenders to better meet the needs of SME’s. What regulations, consumer protections and standards do we need to put in place that will allow this industry to grow sustainably? Not just lending small traders but also possibly to larger SME’s enabling them to meet their own short-term finance needs.

Secondly, governments should start thinking about investing rather than trying to push banks to give out loans. In a previous post urging a rethink of industrialisation policy on the continent, I talked about the U.S. Governments Small Business Investment Company (SBIC) program to facilitate the flow of long-term capital to America’s small businesses. The SBIC either directly invests or facilitates private capital investment into Small businesses. Crucially these investments are long term giving small business the opportunity, capital and time to grow. Though it has lost money on some investments its investments in companies like Apple, FedEx, and Whole foods outweigh any losses made through the profits, jobs, Intellectual property and innovation that have brought trillions of dollars’ worth of wealth to the US economy. African governments must show the same willingness to invest in African businesses as the private sector (banks and investors) have not done so yet and we cannot sit around hoping it will. Public agencies with a clear mandate to invest or encourage investment in SME’s which show potential for growth will have hits and misses, not every investment is a success. But every investment like this is a positive bet in the future of your country and its citizens, it’s a sign to others that there is a path for them too, but most of all it puts public money where it could do real good not locked in a bank vault.

Making things just a little easier

Teddy Roosevelt once said that “Nothing in the world is worth having or worth doing unless it means effort, pain, difficulty.” The same applies to running an SME in Africa. Business is not for the faint-hearted, nor should it be, but neither should it be filled with potentially moveable obstacles that make It nearly impossible to succeed. Africa’s SME sector is astounding. It has survived natural disasters and the disaster that has been government policy and ignorance of small businesses. If SME’s are to not just survive but thrive it will require governments to adopt policies that make things just a little easier for them outside of the easing of access to credit.

The first of those policies is a tax. Africa’s tax systems tend to be overly complex and burdensome. With businesses often having to pay multiple taxes, that they can ill afford. Simplifying tax systems to be coherent and so simple, so that they can be understood and paid easily should be a priority. If not, many SME’s will either avoid paying taxes or struggle under the burden of being law abiding citizens.

Second, trust. A public register where key information about companies is available to banks, lenders, governments, investors, customers, etc. to have some trust in the credibility and trustworthiness of these companies.

Third would by altering our laws, specifically our employment laws to fit the reality of SME’s and labour in Africa rather than acting as if all employers were large corporations. I have written more extensively on that here.

Finally, is training and networking. Facilitating the training around financing, marketing and tax/regulatory compliance could equip SME’s with tools they need to succeed and enable them to make better use of the funds they do manage to get. Networking is simple, merely using the government’s power to bring people together, to bring SME’s, investors, financiers and potential customers together, and letting them do their thing.

Creating the right environment need not be complex, a few concrete policy actions from the government would act as a stimulus to SME’s and those that may provide credit to them, making things just a little bit easier.

Conclusion

SME’s are the lifeblood of African economies. They provide livelihoods to hundreds of millions around the continent, and alongside agriculture, they are the key that will unlock Africa’s economic potential. To do that they will need access to credit. Thus far efforts to improve credit provision to SME’s on the continent have not been as successful as hoped. This calls for some new thinking; thinking based on a deeper understanding of the challenges facing SME’s. New thinking about how we can move beyond the limitations of banks to harness new technologies and approaches to provide credit to Africa’s SME’s. And to Identify and implement the key policy interventions that governments can make to provide the right environment in which SME’s can thrive.

If we get this right, if we can get SME’s to thrive, then Africa Rising won’t be an old meme but a future reality.

[1] https://www.ifc.org/wps/wcm/connect/REGION__EXT_Content/Regions/Sub-Saharan+Africa/Advisory+Services/SustainableBusiness/SME_Initiatives/

Kickstarting Intra-African trade for SME’s and Entrepreneurs

This is the moment for the African continent. A free trade area for Africa is going to be like a flood. A flood that is going to lift all the boats. It is not about South Africa. It is more about all of us. All countries of Africa participating – big and small. Cyril Ramaphosa, President of South Africa

On March 21st, 2018, 44 African heads of state gathered in Kigali signed an agreement called the African Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA). The CFTA is big and ambitious. It seeks to create a single continental market for goods and services, as well as free movement of capital and people. Its primary goal is to boost intra-African trade and spur industrialisation by fostering a more competitive industrial sector, increased economic activity between African states and giving African companies a large market in which they can scale and become globally competitive (see figure 1 below).

Figure 1: Source UNCTAD http://unctad.org/en/PublicationsLibrary/presspb2018d4_en.pdf

In global trade Africa is a commodities exporter, selling raw materials and agricultural goods, while importing finished manufactured goods. Making the continent susceptible to swings in global commodity prices and perennially large trade deficits. Meanwhile intra-African trade is frustratingly small in comparison to Africa’s international trade (see Figure 2). The CFTA is potentially a first step towards rectifying that.

Figure 2: Source https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2018/03/29/figures-of-the-week-africas-intra-and-extra-regional-trade/

My goal in this post is not to talk about the big policy actions needed to make the CFTA a reality. Such as comprehensive ratification, regulatory alignment and the need for connecting infrastructure. That is well covered by the AU itself and numerous other commentators, institutions and policy documents. Instead I want to talk about policies actions that governments can to take to enable African SME’s and entrepreneurs to take advantage of a pan-African free trade area. SME’s are the lifeblood of the African economy, they are one of the continents biggest employers and sources of wealth. And entrepreneurs and investors willing to take risks are critically important to the continents future growth. If SME’s and entrepreneurs can succeed then Africa will succeed, and if the CFTA is to be a success it must serve not only big business but SME’s and entrepreneurs as well.

1-   Creating awareness and links

Trade does not happen in a vacuum. People and businesses must be aware of the opportunities and how to take advantage of them. The first policy initiative that the AU and African governments should take is an awareness and education campaign targeting SME’s and entrepreneurs across the continent. Explaining what the CFTA is, which countries are a part of it and the key steps they need to take to be able to take advantage of it.

Secondly it is not enough to know there are opportunities in other markets. You must be in a position to take advantage of them, you need to have knowledge of and develop relationships in those markets. African governments are in a unique position to facilitate this. With embassies around the continent they can be clearing houses for information and networking hubs. Doing research on local regulations, market conditions building a database of local businesses which can be made available to businesses and entrepreneurs in their home countries. They can organise networking opportunities allowing businesses and entrepreneurs to connect both in the real world and virtually online for those unable to travel. Crucially this can work both ways not just to the benefit of the home country of the embassy but for those who are looking for opportunities in the other direction. European countries such as Germany and Holland provide similar services globally to businesses, African governments can start by doing so on the continent.

Creating awareness and links within and between African business communities is crucial to improving intra-African trade. The CFTA is of little good if people are not aware of it and if they have no entry points, networking opportunities and access to information in other African markets. African governments can fill this gap.

2-   Allow tech to move the money

Anyone who has travelled across Africa or done any cross-border business on the continent knows how much of a pain it can be to move money between countries. The laws vary, some countries have foreign exchange controls, others have currencies that can be difficult to convert, and the relative value of these currencies is always changing. All of these are significant barriers to intra-African trade especially for SME’s who unlike their larger corporate counterparts do not have legal and finance departments to navigate through the mess.

What’s needed is a simple way for business to acquire foreign currencies as and when needed. Thankfully the Fintech (financial technology) sector is already growing across the continent and can fill this gap. African governments should allow Fintech services to enter the currency market and allow SME’s and traders to buy and sell other African currencies and transfer payments to their suppliers and customers in whatever country they may be in. Many African countries now have mobile payments, mobile banking and mobile lending, there is no reason why these services should not be allowed to operate across countries.

The second area where Fintech can make a difference is in trade finance. Much of global trade is done on credit. Companies will borrow or access lines of credit, usually from banks, to buy goods and transport them to another market and repay the loan when the goods are delivered and paid for. Few SME’s or traders will have access to lines of credit with banks, but many do use mobile banking and lending for exactly this purpose. To fund the purchase of goods and pay it back when they are sold. If fintech firms were allowed to play this role on a continental level it could give SME’s and traders, the ability to fund cross-border business where traditional banks would regard the amounts of money being lent as too small and SME’s and traders too risky.

Fintech could play valuable role in intra-African trade. Providing SME’s and traders the means to fund their activities and the ability to conduct business in foreign currencies with reliable platforms with which to pay people. Trade needs money and a reliable means of payment. Fintech could play that role for the businesses and traders who are not on the radar of banks. What is needed is for African governments to come up with the right regulatory framework giving Fintech services the ability to operate across borders and mobile networks and the protect their customers from unscrupulous lenders.

Trade for all

Intra-African trade has the potential to be a game changer on the continent. Giving African investors, entrepreneurs, businesses and the wider economy access to new markets and new growth. More importantly it could change lives, not just through new jobs and opportunities, but through simple trade. In 2017 Nigeria experienced a tomato shortage, Kenya experienced a maize shortage both countries resorted to importing these foodstuffs from markets like Mexico and Europe. However, around the continent there were tomatoes and maize in plentiful supply in other countries. With a continental free trade area, these all to frequent shortages and price spikes need not happen. Retailers in Kenya or Nigeria noticing that their local suppliers are unable to meet demand and prices are going up could buy from other suppliers around the continent with little difference in price and consumers wouldn’t have to deal with the shock to their wallets.

There has been a lot hype and hope around the CFTA. However, it still has some way to go, only 3 countries having fully ratified the treaty, 22 are needed for it to come into effect. In the meantime, African governments need to ensure that it is not just a treaty for big business but is one that SME’s and entrepreneurs can also take advantage of. If that is done, it will help provide a shot in the arm to intra-African trade and make it so that all African’s can have a stake in and benefit from a new pan-African economy.