Tag: Development

Give the People Money: Ending African Poverty with a Basic Minimum Income

“In this new century, millions of people in the world’s poorest countries remain imprisoned, enslaved and in chains. They are trapped in the prison of poverty. It is time to set them free… Overcoming poverty is not a gesture of charity. It is the protection of a fundamental human right, the right to dignity and a decent life” – Nelson Mandela

In my first post I outlined what I see as the goal of development. Which is to give everyone ability to live their lives with dignity. Which means an adequate and improving quality of life, economic opportunity and security, physical security and good governance. The antithesis of this is poverty, and ending poverty is Africa’s core developmental challenge.

Poverty, as defined by Professors Lilian Chenwi and Danwood Chirwa is ‘a state in which a person is unable to live a long, healthy and creative life, nor to enjoy a decent life worthy of self-respect and respect of others’ [1]. The simpler definition is having to live on less than US$ 1.9 a day. According to the World Bank approximately 43% or 330 million African are living in poverty.

Poverty is hard, grinding and often degrading. It manifests its itself in hunger and malnutrition, poor health, lack of education, and social and political discrimination. Poverty is often self-perpetuating, with those born into it often remaining in it because of the lack of opportunities and resources. Poverty is insecure as those living in it are most likely to be victims of violence and conflict. Poverty is the worst and most degrading form of underdevelopment, consigning its victims to unnecessarily harsh lives and wasting their potential. If nothing else, then Africa’s development must be defined by how it pulls its people out of poverty and allows them lead fulfilling lives and reach and exceed their potential.

To end poverty, we have to empower the people living in it. Those living in poverty are not there by choice, it is an accident of birth and circumstance. They lack the resources and the opportunity to climb out of poverty. The solution is thus simple, to provide Africa’s most underserved citizens with these resources and opportunity and we can do that by giving them money. By ensuring that every person living in poverty has a Basic Minimum Income (BMI), which they can use as they see fit to improve their lives. There is growing evidence from Africa that this works. That a BMI not only enables people to improve their circumstances but also to invest in their futures and it has positive impacts on health, education and security. If Africa is serious about ending poverty, then we have to seriously consider the option of a BMI.

Basic Minimum Income – the concept and evidence

The concept

A BMI is a relatively simple idea. It is a cash transfer that gives everyone in society who needs it enough money to live on. A BMI aimed specifically at relieving poverty would have 4 key characteristics that separate it from traditional welfare programs:

  • all members of society living below the poverty line are eligible to receive it,
  • the BMI is unconditional, you do not have to work, or go for any training to receive it,
  • it is enough to cover the basic needs of those who receive it,
  • It is guaranteed for as long as they are under the poverty line.

At its core the BMI is about guaranteeing a minimum standard of living throughout society through cash transfers to all those who for whatever reason are below the poverty. By its nature it is not discriminatory as it is available to all, neither does it subject the poor to the humiliations and bureaucratic nightmares of means testing, forced job hunts or training that are the hallmarks of modern day welfare systems.

The evidence

A BMI or some variant has or is being tried in various places across Africa, most notably South Africa, Namibia and Kenya, and the results show that not only does a BMI reduce poverty it also has significant impacts on the health, education, security and quality of life of those who receive it.

In South Africa the Social Security Agency (SASSA) distributes what are called social grants. Which are cash payments given to the most vulnerable groups in society and there are seven types of grant that the agency gives out.

Research done on the impacts of the social grant system has shown a number of significant impacts. First that social grant system has been sufficient to lift many households out of poverty (page 37 of this study). Second, the research shows that the grants in particular the child support grants have been crucial in reducing poverty in women headed households and empowering them in their homes and communities. Furthermore, the child support grant has enabled parents to be more positively involved in their children’s education, such as reading to them and helping with school work and ensure that their children were properly nourished and received healthcare. UNICEF studies has further shown that the child support grant has had a positive impact on school attendance and healthcare as well as reducing risky adolescent behaviour such as unprotected sex, drug and alcohol abuse and criminal activity.

In Namibia, in 2008 they piloted one of the worlds first basic income projects called the Basic Income Grant (BIG) in the Otjivero settlement and Omitara town. Both of which were noted for high rates of poverty, insecurity and poor health. The grant was simple, each person would get a monthly unconditional cash grant of 100 Namibian dollars (about US$7). With the grants for those under 21 going to their primary care giver, which was usually their mother. The report on the impacts of BIG shows details its positive impacts which are notable not only for being positive but also for how many areas of people’s lives it impacted.

  • Severe poverty was reduced by 54% and food poverty was reduced by 56% in one year.
  • There was a 36.5% drop in crime in crime in the areas where BIG was trialled.
  • Just six months after BIG was introduced child malnutrition dropped by 52%.
  • Drop-out and non-attendance rates at schools went from 30-40% to 5% after the introduction of BIG as parents were now able to pay school fees.
  • In contradiction to the arguments that a basic income would discourage work employment actually rose by 9% after the introduction of BIG.
  • BIG also helped people start and grow their own small businesses, as the extra income was used by people to start and/or invest in their own businesses as well increasing demand in the area as people now had some money to spend.
  • BIG also allowed people to save and invest in their futures. 40% of those who received the grant saved it. 31% used some of the money to fix their homes, 9% invested in livestock and 11% paid back debts.

Unfortunately, in 2010 due to politics the program was ended and essentially forgotten. What stands out is that it was able to achieve so much in reducing poverty and improving living standards over such a short period of time.

In Kenya a U.S. based charity called Give Directly which champions unconditional universal income cash transfers, trialled them in a village in Western Kenya between 2011 and 2012. With recipients receiving around US$ 274 over the course of the year, and the results are very similar to those in Namibia:

  • The transfers significantly reduced hunger, 30% overall and 42% for children.
  • The transfers enabled the recipients to invest in livestock and their own small businesses. With income from livestock increasing by 48% and income from self-employment increasing by 38%.
  • The transfers increased consumption and thus economic activity in the village.
  • The transfers led to increases in the psychological well-being of the recipients and their families.
  • Notably (again), despite the assertions of many critics the transfers did not increase spending on alcohol, tobacco or gambling.

The examples in South Africa, Namibia and Kenya show remarkably positive impacts not just in poverty reduction but in improving healthcare, education, the well-being of children, women’s empowerment, employment, security, small business start-ups and growth, and long-term savings and investment. Furthermore, the predictions that “they would just spend it on booze and gambling and entrench laziness” were also shown to wrong. These results show two things first that poverty is not a result of being lazy or bad, rather it is a result of being stuck in a poverty trap, where the lack of resources (namely money) prevents people from being able to live with dignity and plan for the future. Secondly, the impoverished are not stupid, given the resources and the opportunity they can and will make the right choices for them, their families and their communities.

How can we do this in Africa?

If the evidence shows that a BMI is an effective and empowering tool for poverty reduction in Africa the question then becomes, how can we do it? The usual response is that we can’t. That African nations do not have resources to fund such a program given the high levels of poverty on the continent and that governments have to invest in a number of areas such as infrastructure, education, healthcare, security etc. which over the medium to long-term will reduce poverty. My response to this is threefold, first, that poverty is an issue now and every single day for hundreds of millions of Africans. Secondly that short-term significant decreases in poverty will not increase economic growth but make it more sustainable over the long-term and third if we get creative we can find the money for BMI.

Finding the money

One idea for funding a BMI is called a negative income tax. The idea is that a progressive income tax system be implemented where people earning below a certain income threshold receive a payment from the government rather than paying tax to the government. This is offset by those who earn above the threshold who pay progressively higher taxes depending on their income. However, this requires a broad and deep income tax system which due to the lack of formal employment on the continent many African countries do not possess.

My personal preference is not to tax the income of Africans, but to tax the profits of those making money off of Africa, through more efficient and increased resource and foreign profit taxes. In a previous post I discussed how through reforming its tax systems, African countries could get more tax revenues from the extraction of natural resources and the profits made by foreign corporations in Africa. For too long Africans have not benefited from the wealth of their land that helps fuel the global economy and the profits made in Africa by global corporations are spirited away to the benefit of shareholders in New York or London. If African nations taxed those profits and resource extraction properly, much if not all of the money needed to fund a BMI could be found, governments would be able to continue to fund all the other things they use ordinary tax revenue for and the people of Africa would finally see the benefits of the fruit of their land. Furthermore, as the examples show a BMI would itself increase the tax revenue of governments. With disposable incomes people would be able to buy goods and services, save, invest and start businesses all of which are taxed by governments around the continent. And as people rise out of poverty, and their incomes grow and become more secure they can be gradually taken off the BMI, which would over time reduce the size of the payments that governments would have to make.

Africa will rise when we end poverty

The English writer Eli Khamarov once said that “poverty is like punishment for a crime you didn’t commit”. The hundreds of millions of Africans living in poverty are the victims of this cruelty, and through no fault of their own they have, as Nelson Mandela put it, been deprived of “a fundamental human right, the right to dignity and a decent life”. Since independence African leaders and policy makers have unfortunately made choices and implemented policies which have failed to break and, in some cases, caused and entrenched the cycle of poverty on the continent. However, Africa need not be defined by its poverty, Africa does not have to be the basket case of the world. There are still options and policies, like BMI, that our leaders and policy makers could make that could end poverty in Africa.

Some may ask, why this policy? East Asia and the West pursued the traditional poverty eradication path of industrialisation and this is what Africa is trying. However, there are two key issues of pursuing poverty eradication through economic growth and industrialisation. First, industrialisation takes time, even the quick industrialisation of East Asia took at least 3 decades. Secondly industrialisation is a painful and unequal process. In both East Asia and the West industrialisation has been accompanied by highly unequal distribution of wealth, terrible labour conditions and it hasn’t pulled everyone out of poverty, hence the need for social safety nets. And to this day there remains pockets of citizens in the worlds most industrialised economy who live in relative poverty. In addition, a BMI does not mean you must abandon a nations aspiration for industrialisation or socio-economic growth, rather I believe it would speed it up. It would help push people out of poverty now rather than in 30 years. It would ensure that no one is left behind by a changing economy. And importantly to the process of industrialisation would create a significant number of people with disposable income who will be able to buy locally produced goods and services.

The evidence shows that when empowered, when given the resources and the opportunity Africans living in poverty can and will rise. The solutions to the unfulfilled potential of our continent lies not in SDG’s, or debt fuelled infrastructure or the benevolence of the developed world, but in giving our people the tools to fulfil and surpass their own potential. To do that we must invest in them, we must address our central developmental challenge of poverty by ending it. To do so we have to be creative and brave. Exploring and implementing policies like a basic minimum income is a way to do so. Ending poverty in Africa will turbocharge economic and social growth, and it will also allow hundreds of millions of Africans to live lives of dignity, and if nothing else, that is development.

[1] The Protection of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Africa (2016), edited by Danwood Mzikenge Chirwa, Lilian Chenwi, p.12-13

Losing Our Mind: Reversing Africa’s Brain Drain

Africa has a migration problem. Not only are thousands of the continents young men and women risking life and limb to try and make it to Europe, we are also losing some of our best minds. A 2013 report from the United Nations and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development found one in nine Africans with a tertiary education (2.9 million people from the continent) were living and working in developed nations in North America, Europe and elsewhere. Over the last 10 years this number has grown by 50% more than any other part of the world. Since 1990, Africa lost 20,000 academic professionals who left their countries and 10 percent of the continents highly skilled information technology professionals. The loss of Africa’s best and brightest is most keenly felt in the health sector, a study by Canadian scientists found that Sub-Saharan African countries that train doctors have lost $2 billion as the expert clinicians leave home to find work in the developed world.

The beneficiaries of this migration are the developed world. The findings of the study suggested that Britain was around $2.7 billion better off, the USA $846 million, Australia $621 million and Canada was $384 million better off. Yet in the developed world, particularly in the West a nativist, anti-immigration sentiment has taken hold. The places that have benefitted most from migration are becoming more hostile to it. This presents a perfect opportunity for Africa to tempt its doctors, engineers, artists, academics and other skilled professionals home. These people offer an unparalleled opportunity to boost our economies and enrich our societies, with the skills, capital, knowledge, networks and experience they could bring back home.

What is needed are the right pull factors to entice the diaspora to move back home. We need policies that make moving back to the continent more attractive.

 

Why the diaspora?

Development needs a skills and knowledge base. Healthcare systems need doctors and nurses to staff them. Infrastructure needs engineers to build them. The IT sector needs talented software and hardware engineers. And the private sector needs people with experience and global business networks if African business are to grow in a global economy. Africa could and should grow these capabilities, but that will take time, valuable time that we can ill afford to lose.

The diaspora offers the perfect way to jumpstart development with human capital. They could bring these much-needed skills, knowledge and networks into the economy while we continue to train more people. In addition, if they came home the diaspora would not only bring back the soft assets of skills and knowledge, they would bring back hard assets, money (in the form of savings and investment funds) that they would use to settle back at home, as well start and invest in businesses. In South Africa it is estimated for every skilled person who returns home to South Africa, nine new jobs are created in the formal and informal sectors. In China, educated skilled professionals, who left China to study and work, are returning. These “sea turtles” have come back with desirable skills, a network of international business contacts and new ideas to boost the economy. Elsevier (the publisher of scientific journals) has used its data to show that India is enjoying a brain gain of scientists returning to and moving to India (the study also shows a similar effect in China).

Thus, the question becomes, how does Africa turn its brain drain into a brain gain. What policies and measures are needed to make African professionals living in other countries want to move back home.

Making moving back easier

If the African diaspora are to be enticed to move back, then we must make it easer for them to do so. This means a smart mix of incentives that make it easier and attractive to move back to Africa.

Moving countries can be a complicated affair, not only do you have to move your stuff, but you also have to register with tax authorities, set up bank accounts and move assets, get all your documentation, insurance, get your children into school etc. Governments can do a lot to make this easier. First by making all of this tax free, the amount of money that governments would make from African migrants coming home and paying taxes on their fridge or money transfers is tiny in comparison to the value they would produce over years. Furthermore, these tax incentives should be extended to those who start new companies within a year of returning and to investments such as buying stocks, bonds and real estate. Second, allow for dual citizenship, this would allow diaspora migrants to become fully fledged citizens without facing the prospect of having to completely leave behind the lives they have built abroad. Coupled with this should be a fast track to citizenship, no one will migrate if they will be in an uncertain situation subject to the whims of an immigration officer, full citizenship will give them security. Third, making reintegration painless. Which means aiding migrants and their families settle in as painlessly as possible, such as helping parents find schools for their children, purchase health insurance and a one stop shop for getting all their official paperwork and documents. Ideally these are services governments should provide to all citizens, and trialling with diaspora migrants may be a way to pilot such a scheme before rolling it out for all. Finally, we must make it clear that we want our diaspora to come back home, that we value them beyond their jobs and financial assets. That our people are our greatest resource and the contributions they could make to our societies would help make economic, social and cultural development a reality. This can only be done by clear unequivocal statements from political leaders backed by policies which make the rhetoric reality.

Reversing Migration

Incentivising high skilled migration is something done by developed countries around the world such as the UK, Canada and Australia, now China is getting in on the game as well. All of them are seeking to attract high skilled migrants to fill gaps in their own labour markets and ensure they remain globally competitive. They all have policies aimed at attracting highly skilled, high earning migrants which fast track their migration and ease their integration into society.

Africa is not only not attracting highly skilled migrants, we are our losing our own highly skilled people, it is a situation that we should be actively looking to stop and reverse. Our hospitals lack the doctors and nurses they need to provide adequate care, our universities lack the professors and researchers they need to produce the next generation of leading minds and research, our governments lack expertise in any number of areas and our private sectors could desperately use people with high level skills, experience and networks. It will not be easy we are in a global competition for the worlds best and brightest, but we must start somewhere, and having the right policies to attract our diaspora brothers and sisters home is a good place to start.

Avoiding Demographic Doomsday: Redefining Employment in Africa

One of the central challenges facing much of Africa is unemployment, in particular youth unemployment. The African Development Bank estimates (see figure 1) that of Africa’s approximately 420 million young people (aged between 15-35) only one-sixth (16.6% or 70 million) are in formal employment. One-third are partially or vulnerably employed, and half are not employed at all. That means 140 million young African’s are at risk of losing their job at a moment’s notice and 240 million have no job and little prospect of one.

(fig.1. source African Development Bank)

This is a disaster. Half of Africa’s youth, their potential contributions to society and personal dignity and well being, is wasting away. Is it any wonder that these young men and women are risking life and limb on horrific journeys to try and get Europe for the prospect of a better life?

This though, is only half of the story. Africa’s youth population is expected to double to over 850 million by 2050. If the continent cannot find a way to harness the potential of its youth, then the continents demographic dividend could turn into a demographic doomsday. As young unemployed Africans with no stake in the economy and no prospect of a better life turn to dangerous radicalism, extremism or crime as a way out; migration will be the least of our worries.

Thus, the question becomes how do we avoid this demographic doomsday scenario? One answer is to rapidly grow the formal economy and employment via industrialisation. This is the path that much of the continent is trying to pursue. Investing in infrastructure, ease of business reforms, business incentives and trade expansion, all aimed at spurring economic growth and employment. Frankly, it has not been enough. While growth has been positive it has not been at the rate we need, and not nearly enough jobs have been created.

What is needed is a policy for the biggest non-agricultural employer on the continent, the informal sector. The majority of those in informal business (and many with jobs who have a side hustle) depend on the informal sector for their livelihoods.

Alongside agriculture, the informal sector is the foundation of the African economy and its time our policies and laws caught up to that reality. Doing so would help solidify fragile livelihoods as well help drive growth and opportunity in the economy. We can start by changing our laws to redefine employment to include the informal sector and investing in the skills, knowledge and capabilities  of those in the sector.

The Informal Sector in Africa

The informal sector can be broadly defined as activities or enterprises that produces and sells good or services but are not formally registered and do not pay taxes.

The International Labour Organisation (ILO) estimates that the informal sector represents 41% of GDP on the continent and 66% of total employment in Sub-Saharan Africa and 52% in North Africa, and that eight in ten (80%) of young workers end up in the informal sector. These figures tell us an important fact about the reality of employment in Africa, that most people earn their livelihoods through their own ingenuity and drive, hustling, and either working for or running small enterprises, they don’t have an employment contract or get a pay check. Thus, the laws, regulations, and protections of labour and employment laws are irrelevant to them. The second key thing that stands out about Africa’s informal sector is its resilience and adaptability. It has survived the ravages of one party States and dictators, near collapse of the economy in the 1990s, endemic rent-seeking and corruption, changes in weather patterns and the cycles of economic booms and busts.

It is time that government policy focused on enabling, harnessing the sector by integrating it into the wider economy, not at the exclusion of wider policy goals such as industrialisation but as part of it.

Redefining Labour and Employment

The first step to integrating the informal sector and the people in it to the wider economy is through legal definition and recognition. Just as labour and employment legislation across the continent recognises, regulates, and protects people in formal employment; similar legislation for informal sector could provide the people and businesses in it with legal protection and a foundation upon which they can build and grow.

Informal sector legislation and policy would not simply be applying the rules of the formal sector to the informal sector (which would be ignored anyway); rather it should be crafted for the needs of the informal sector and would include the following:

  • A valid legal definition of an informal sector business and job with a simple way of registering it. Registering an informal business should be as easy as getting a SIM card or a mobile money account. The goals are not to tax or regulate the sector but for registration to be a gateway to the enabling and protective elements of the laws and policy.
  • Simplified contracts and small claims courts. A constant risk in the informal sector is that you do not have the protection of the law, if you make an agreement with someone to buy or sell something it is based on their word alone. Providing a simple contract template that all can use gives buyers’ and sellers’ basic rights (such as refunds on non-delivery of goods or services). A small claims court to enforce disputes under these specific contracts quickly (rather than the expensive, laborious and slow normal court system) would engender trust and facilitate business.
  • Banking and credit access. Make it possible for informal enterprises to use their registration to open bank accounts, access credit and use their assets (e.g. a motorbike) as security for loans.
  • Provide access to national health, pension and welfare schemes. Most national health, insurance, pension and welfare schemes are based on a (formal) employee contribution model, where a portion of your salary is contributed to various schemes. On a continent where most people are not in formal employment it means that these schemes are underfunded, and many do not include everyone. Providing a way into these schemes for the informal sector like a simple subscription or yearly fee would be a way to both expand them to the wider population as well as boost their funding
  • Allow informal employees and businesses to organise. Allowing the informal sector to form co-operative societies, unions and associations would open new avenues to credit (through the pooling of savings in co-operatives), better working conditions and more powerful voice to advocate for their interests.

Legal definition and recognition opens the door to the protection and progress of the livelihoods that depend on the informal sector. Laws may be boring, but they are crucial.

Capacity Building

Legal recognition is only half the equation, for the informal sector to move from being a source of subsistence for individuals to a source of growth for the economy. Africa needs to give the people in it the tools, skills and knowledge to create, recognise and take advantage of opportunity.

The first aspect of capacity building is coupled with legal recognition. Changing laws is ineffective if the people they are aimed at are not aware of the changes and how to take advantage of them. Thus, the capacity building exercise would be a public education exercise, focused on making people within the sector aware of the changes and how to take advantage of them.

The second is around skills and knowledge training. Putting together programs that train people on key aspects of business administration, opportunity identification and marketing, crucial skills needed if they are to successfully invest and expand beyond subsistence.

The Informal Economy as an Opportunity

Most policies that African governments have come up with around the informal sector are focused on formalisation and extracting taxes and most policy around employment growth is focused on expanding formal employment. While these goals make sense, they ignore the reality of the crucial role that the informal economy plays in livelihoods and the economy of Africa.

Employment in the informal sector is not wrong or inconvenient, it is normal for Africa. And, for Africa’s development to be truly African it must not only be led by Africans but work for the majority of Africans, many of whom are employed in the informal sector.

Few if any of the development initiatives pursued by governments and institutions across the continent are aimed at furthering this sector. This approach ignores and underserves a sector which has been the foundation of the African economy, which has, since independence proven to be resilient, innovative and frankly, African.

Redefining employment in Africa to recognise and support the informal sector will not hamper or stop industrialisation or the growth of formal employment. Rather it is about understanding that the giving the hundreds of millions of Africans whose lives depend on the informal sector a stake in the economy and the opportunity to grow, is not only good for the economy it is good for people, and if that is not what development policy is about it is what it should be about.

 

Africa’s Development Begins with Agriculture

 

“It is time to change the way we think. Farmers are not the cause of Africa’s poverty; they are a potential solution. They are key to creating the future envisioned by the SDGs.” — Kofi Annan, former UN Secretary General

The development narrative in Africa is dominated by two key strategies. The first is massive infrastructure investment and development and the second is big top down policies broadly seeking to achieve the Sustainable Development Goal’s (SDG’s). Neither of these two strategies are inherently wrong, Africa needs infrastructure to ease and stimulate commerce, trade, industry and to make people’s lives easier. In addition, the SDG’s are laudable and the goals they seek to achieve would undoubtedly make millions of lives better. However, this approach has reinforced a problematic issue in Africa’s economic story, the failure to put agriculture first. Agriculture, in particular small holder farming was and remains the largest economic sector on the continent, thus its development or lack of has a significant impact on the development trajectory of the continent. The policies and strategies adopted by many African governments at independence (and that many governments still profess today) saw smallholder agriculture as secondary to industry and were in many cases hostile to small farmers. In doing so, the core of the African economy and its engine of development was undermined. In Asia the opposite approach was taken came agricultural transformation took place before industrialisation providing the foundation of the Asian miracle. In a previous post on reimagining industrialisation I urged that we start seeing agriculture as industry, which would not only need African countries to step back from the policies that have failed the continent for the last 50 years but enact a set of policies that would empower farmers, improve livelihoods and drive growth and development.

Why agriculture

The primary reason for focusing on agriculture is its importance on the continent. Today much as at independence, agriculture remains central to the African economy accounting for over 60 percent of jobs and a meagre quarter of the continent’s GDP. The poor performance of the sector is illustrated by the fact that 90 per cent of those living in poverty are engaged in farming,[1]. If nothing else agricultural transformation in Africa would not only benefit the most people but also those who most need help.

Agricultural transformation, which we can define as the process by which the sector evolves from being subsistence and farm focused to one that is more productive, commercialised and linked to the non-farm sectors of the economy at the core of economic development. First off increases in productivity also means GDP growth (remember that GDP is the measure of the value of everything produced within an economy). Secondly, as productivity increases so does farmer income, when most of the population is involved in agricultural production these income increases have multiple positive impacts on the wider economy. Increased income means rural populations have more cash to spend and they will most likely spend that income on more local goods and services. Increased demand for local goods and services, as Africa tries to kickstart manufacturing and other industries a local market to sustain those industries is crucial and farmers with increased incomes could provide that mass market. In addition increased agricultural income generates savings, savings are the basis of investment in an economy as it what banks use when they lend money to businesses. Third higher agricultural productivity has benefits for urban populations as well, increased productivity increases the supply of and brings down the price of food, thus bringing down the cost of living. Crucially, this pro-poor developmental stimulus performance of agriculture requires the participation of small farmers, small farmers dominate agriculture in many developing economies and it is their transformation from subsistence to market participation, productivity and income gains that are the precursor to development. This process was what happened in East Asia where the technology of the green revolution combined with supportive government policies and land reform kickstarted rural economic growth, stimulating demand for local non-farm goods and services and providing the basis for industrialisation

What happened to African agriculture?

The lack of transformation in the agricultural sector since independence has had significant impacts on development on the continent. Between 1960 and 2000 agricultural productivity grew at a paltry 0.6 per cent in sub-Saharan Africa compared to 3 percent in developing countries as a whole, this can be seen clearly in the graph below comparing African and Asian agricultural productivity.

So, what happened to African agriculture, in short bad policy. At the core of the African economy at independence and today is agriculture in particular the small-scale farmer. However rather than enacting policies that would have supported farmers, increasing productivity and its associated increases in spending and saving African governments sought to rapidly modernise their economies. In this vision of modernisation, the focus of the economy is industrial, manufacturing and urban. The policies that this view entailed placed a significant burden on the agricultural economy of African countries, where governments not only underpaid farmers for their produce, but sought to extract revenue to fund industrialisation as well as keep the cost of living down for people in urban areas who worked in those industries. The creation of state corporations whose mission was to industrialise African agriculture into large-scale commercial farming not only failed but became avenues for rent seeking and corruption. It was not long until farmers retreated from markets to subsistence farming and parallel markets. As African agriculture was pushed into crisis by bad policy, African economies lost their primary source of growth. Africa’s development failure is rooted in the failure of its agricultural sector whose origins are to be found in the agricultural policies pursued by African governments, thus overturning these policies should be the first step towards reversing that failure.

New policies for agricultural transformation

If past agricultural policy in Africa provides a handbook on what not to do, then what policies should African countries be looking at to make agriculture an engine of growth. These policies must be aimed at assisting farmers in increasing productivity and connecting them to markets so that the wider populace and economy can benefit.

  • Assisting farmers

At the core of agricultural transformation is the farmers who work the land and the first policy should be providing them with the assistance they need. Rather than telling them what to do or grow (as has been done in the past) farmer assistance should be aimed at providing farmers with the skills and tools. At the core of this would be extension services which consists of farmer support through education, support and advisory and these would include:

  • Education and advisory services on the science and technology of farming such as water and irrigation, soil types, what to consider when choosing a crop to plant, what to consider when acquiring fertiliser, certified seed and where to get it.
  • Sustainability strategies on how to maintain your soil, prevent erosion and depletion.
  • Making farmers aware of market opportunities and government programs and services which they can take advantage of.
  • Facilitating the organisation and cooperation of farmers so that they can share knowledge and skills with each other and possibly enable farmers to form cooperatives or commercial groups to gain more favourable trading terms.
  • Deploying agricultural extension officers to rural areas employed by the government who can provide ongoing advice and support to farmers.

Farmer assistance policy would be aimed building the capacities of farmers to take initiative and improve their farms how they see fit, building on the expertise provided through the training and education and the experiences of their fellow farmers. In short it is about enabling farmers to be better farmers rather than old policies which tried to dictate to farmers the right way to farm.

  • rural infrastructure

As mentioned earlier much of the continent is on an infrastructure building binge, however most of that infrastructure is big infrastructure such as powerplants, railways and highways meant to facilitate international trade and industry. However, the rural and agricultural economies also need infrastructure, namely roads and storage facilities. Rural roads will help connect farmers to a higher number of potential markets and cut transport costs for agricultural goods, which will help reduce the cost of food.

Storage is crucial, post-harvest losses (agricultural produce lost between the farm and its final destination) in Africa are significant. The Food and Agriculture Organisation of the UN estimates that “sub-Saharan Africa food losses of about 20 % for cereals, 40%-50% for tubers, fruits and vegetables, 27% for oilseeds, meat and milk, and 33% for fish, that has an expenditure evaluated at US$4 billion per year – enough to feed at least 48 million people, equivalent to the population of Angola, Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Namibia and Malawi all together.”[2] Proper, affordable and widely available storage is key to ending losses and preventing produce from rotting due to a lack of refrigeration or unsuitable storage conditions. Preventing post-harvest loss through the provision of adequate storage facilities is the simplest way to increase productivity and improve farmer incomes. Governments have multiple options available to do this such as building public storage facilities, or incentivising the private sector to invest in storage solutions

  • Embrace science and technology

In the early sixties India was on the brink of famine and in search of a solution. The ministry of agriculture invited a scientist Norman Borlaug who had been working on new high yielding strains of wheat and rice and they soon adopted new 2 “miracle” rice variety. By the 1990s rice yields per hectare had risen threefold and India had gone from near famine to one of the worlds major rice producers and exporters. This is the story of the green revolution, where new technologies and research in agricultural science were successfully transferred to practice boosting productivity particularly in Asia where like India, many countries faced the spectre of mass famine. In 1970 Norman Borlaug was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his work in helping to feed the world. Much like Asia in the 1960’s Africa must pursue and embrace agricultural science, with climate change and shifting weather patterns farmers around the continent are facing significant challenges. If productivity is to be maintained and improved for an ever-growing population farmers will need new tools particularly those that science can provide such as drought resistant higher yielding crops. For this to happen African governments have to put more money and effort behind the agricultural research institutes and agricultural departments in African universities to come up with the tools that African farmers can use. If African governments don’t do this someone else will and they will own the rights to those innovations, making African farmers more dependent on foreign companies. New seed varieties, and technologies funded by African governments can be sold to farmers and licensed to African companies at much lower financial cost and without the strings attached to global multinational corporations.

Agriculture as the foundation for development

If Africa’s growth failure lies in policy that marginalised agriculture, the implications of this should be clear to policy makers on a continent whose economies are still agriculturally based. If, as the World Bank puts it, Africa is to claim the 21st century[3] then African governments must realise that industrialisation is not achieved without agriculture but rather with agriculture at its centre. As East Asia’s did, Africa’s agriculture sector holds immense potential not just for growing produce but for value addition (processing and marketing of agricultural products) and stimulating the wider economy. Boosting productivity would boost incomes, savings and quality of life for most of the population and the multiplier effects could spark the very industrialisation that African leaders sought at independence and still seek today. Agriculture can drive Africa’s development, but only with the right policies, policies that place the Africa’s farmers at its centre.

[1] Africa Development Bank Group – p.11-12 https://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Policy-Documents/Feed_Africa-Strategy-En.pdf

[2] http://www.fao.org/africa/news/detail-news/en/c/445333/

[3] http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTAFRICA/Resources/complete.pdf

Africa needs taxes not aid

Revenue collection is the one which can emancipate us from begging, from disturbing friends… if we can get about 22 percent of GDP we should not need to disturb anybody by asking for aid….instead of coming here to bother you, give me this, give me this, I shall come here to greet you, to trade with you. – Yoweri Museveni, President of Uganda

In 2014 Zambia exported 59% of its copper to Switzerland, yet a look at Switzerland’s import and export statistics shows that they barely imported any copper and barely anything from Zambia[1], it is likely that most of this copper ends up going to China or other markets. What’s happening is that mining companies operating in Zambia are taking advantage of transfer pricing. Transfer pricing is where a subsidiary of a multinational company from one jurisdiction sells goods or services to a subsidiary of the same multinational company in another jurisdiction. Multinationals will most often use transfer pricing to shift profits into tax havens and low tax countries such as Switzerland. In the case of Zambia’s copper, mining companies such as Glencore sells copper mined in Zambia by its Zambia based subsidiary to the company’s trading arm incorporated in Switzerland at lower than market prices. The Swiss based trading arm then sells on the copper to the world market at market prices. The results of the transaction will mean that Glencore’s Zambia subsidiary will generate lower profits, minimising the tax payable to the Zambian authorities, while Glencore’s Swiss trading arm will generate the majority of the profits from the sale of copper, making these profits taxable in Switzerland, which as stated earlier is a low tax country. This strategy isn’t illegal, but what it does is minimise the taxes that are paid to the Zambian government and maximise the profits that these companies can make.

What happens to copper profits and taxes in Zambia is neither new nor unique. The UN economic commission for Africa High Level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows[2] estimates that “over the last 50 years, Africa is estimated to have lost over 1 trillion dollars in illicit financial flows, this is roughly equivalent to all of the official development assistance received by Africa over the same timeframe.”  Currently, they estimate Africa is losing more than $50 billion annually which is double the aid that Africa receives per year.

Across the continent African governments are once again getting caught in a debt trap (you can read a previous post on that here)  and are struggling to raise revenue and are having to increase taxes on the poor and working classes. In South Africa the latest budget included a 1% rise in VAT among others, Niger is currently experiencing mass protests against new tax raises on common goods, Kenya , Zambia and other nations across the continent are considering or implementing similar tax hikes. These measures will hit the poor hardest as they will raise the prices of the goods such as fuel, food and clothing that they need the most.

Not only is Africa getting bilked of its taxes, African governments are trying to make up the difference on the backs of the poor. This needs to change, multinational corporations and international investors will be a part of Africa’s growth story and they will (or already are) make fantastic profits from it, it is only fair that Africans get their fair share. And now is the perfect time to enact policies that would give Africa a fair share. Across the world tax evasion is key issue, Europe is cracking down on tech companies that use tax avoidance strategies, and three years ago the G20 vowed to fight tax avoidance[3]. Rather than swimming against the tide, Africa would likely have allies in a quest to implement fair taxes.

Tax revenues and profits where they are made

Recently the EU proposed a new technology tax. For several years EU countries have been trying to deal with a tax avoidance problem, like Zambian copper, big multinationals would base their intellectual property in tax havens and have their European subsidiaries pay “royalties” for use the of it, essentially transferring profits made in Europe to tax havens. The most prolific users of this strategy have been the technology companies and thus the EU has decided to propose a 3% tax on the revenue generated made by these companies in the EU as opposed to profits. The main idea behind this tax is that companies should be taxed in the country’s where revenues and profits are made and not in tax havens, providing a simple solution that African countries should adopt.

Make taxes simpler; the Norwegian example

In the 1970s Norway started exporting oil and gas, in the 40 years since this industry has added over 1.1 trillion dollars to the Norwegian economy, which is almost the size of the combined economies of Sub-Saharan Africa. In 1990 Norway established a sovereign wealth fund to invest its oil revenues today it is now worth over 1 trillion dollars. One of the key tools they have used to benefit from their natural resources is tax, in Norway, companies drilling for North Sea oil pay a 78% tax rate on income, though it includes deductions for losses and investment they are simple and easily implemented and assessed by the government. In addition, Norway taxes entities not specific assets, once again this simplifies the system considerably (you can read more about Norwegian petroleum taxes here).

By contrast if you looked at laws or production sharing contracts around Africa on mining or oil and gas, they are complex, and contain different types of taxes levied on the companies, the mineral, the license etc. This complexity allows these tax systems to be gamed and avoided. African policy makers would do well to look at how Norway taxes the companies that extract its oil and gas and consider a similar system. A system that is simple, easily enforced and taxes the extractives industry on our terms. If we did this Africa could finally be in a position to get significant taxes from the extractives industry and like Norway plough those profits back into the continent.

Expand expertise

This policy is simple, but its subject matter is not. The global tax system and strategies used by multinational corporations are incredibly complex. Companies employ armies of lawyers and accountants to look for loopholes and provisions that will allow them to lower their tax bill, and African countries cannot match up. Thus, on this issue African nations need to come together and the AU or Africa Development Bank (AfDB) provides the perfect venue for doing so, to create an African Tax Centre. This is not a new notion, the AfDB already has the African Natural Resources Center, which was created to help African countries build capacity in natural resource management.   The African Tax Centre could have a similar mission consisting of two goals, first to pool African expertise on taxes and assist national governments in identifying and stopping tax avoidance and second to help train and build the capacity of African revenue collection authorities. Over time as the capacity of African countries to administer and collect taxes increases they will be able to close off the avenues used by multinational corporations to avoid African taxes.

More Taxes less dependency

Taxes are a decidedly unsexy topic and bore most of us senseless. However, they are crucially important, the roads, schools, hospitals and police services that Africa needs must be funded somehow. For too long Africa has relied on aid and debt to provide a substantial portion of this funding, but aid comes with conditionalities set by foreign powers and can only be spent on things they deem important, and debt if not wisely used or with a bit of bad luck can be more burdensome than helpful. The only other option is taxes, but African governments must change their tax focus, today most African countries collect their revenues from those fortunate enough to have formal employment and Value Added Taxes, these taxes place their burden on those who can least afford it, meanwhile global corporations and investors are spiriting away over 50 billion dollars of prospective revenue. It is time for Africa to adopt policies that would end these practices, by taxing profits where they are made, reforming extractives taxes to be simpler and more effective and building the expertise needed to close the loopholes.

Africa is the final frontier of the commercial world. Over the last two decades big multinationals have sought to tap into the African market in technology, telecoms, mining, agriculture, healthcare (the list goes on), which are all very profitable now and will only get more so. The world both needs the resources under Africa’s soil and wants to take advantage of one of the world’s last untapped markets, thus the business case for doing business on the continent will not disappear as some people ominously warn whenever the prospect of higher and more efficient taxes are raised.

If Africa is ever to choose its own development path, if it is to decide its own destiny, it will not be done through depending on the generosity of others, it will be through its own money. If there is one policy Africa should be able to get behind it is that Africa needs taxes not aid.

[1]https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/CHE/Year/2016/TradeFlow/EXPIMP/Partner/all/Product/72-83_Metals

[2] https://www.uneca.org/iff

[3] http://www.oecd.org/tax/g20-finance-ministers-endorse-reforms-to-the-international-tax-system-for-curbing-avoidance-by-multinational-enterprises.htm

Rethinking Africa’s industrialisation

Industrialisation, it is economic development goal of countries around the continent, it is the key that will unlock the doors to mass employment, better standards of living and higher income of hundreds of millions of Africans. Yet this goal has proved elusive, through decades of state led developmental policy, to structural adjustment and market led to development, industrialisation has been stubbornly evasive. There are several culprits that one could blame for this such as corruption, or foreign intervention on the continent, and there is no doubt that they are factors. One of the key culprits and the one that I would like to focus on is the failure of policy, specifically a failure of imagination. African leaders have been focused on replicating Western and East Asian industrialisation. I believe in doing so they have created fundamentally flawed policy, policy that is not grounded in the realities of African economies and societies but on the experiences of others. I firmly believe that if we re-imagine industrialisation, ask ourselves what we have that we can build on, how to harness it and what we want our countries to look like afterwards, we can develop a clear idea of what African industrialisation is and the right policies to pursue it.

Industrialization

What is industrialisation? It is a word that gets thrown around a lot, and far too often it is used in jargon filled economic or policy reports that render the word meaningless such as this from the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA);

‘The big opportunity for Africa in 2016, as a late-comer to industrialization, is in adopting alternative economic pathways to industrialization. This requires governments to take on-board the drivers, challenges, and trade-offs in pushing for a greening of industrialization’[1]

If we are to go for simpler definition of the word you could look at the dictionary, the Oxford dictionary defines it as ‘The development of industries in a country or region on a wide scale’[2] which is unsatisfyingly vague. Wikipedia’s definition is more detailed stating ‘Industrialisation is the period of social and economic change that transforms a human group from an agrarian society into an industrial society, involving the extensive re-organisation of an economy for the purpose of manufacturing.’[3]

Thus, I imagine when African leaders are talking about industrialisation, they are talking about transformation from an agrarian society and economy to an industrialised one, where most Africans work in factories producing goods for the world. This industrialisation is seen as the quickest and best way to mass employment and poverty reduction which Africa desperately needs. To do this, African leaders are building transport and energy infrastructure to bring down the costs of production and investing significant money and effort in attracting foreign investors to build manufacturing industries. However, there are serious issues with this way of thinking which makes a traditional industrialisation policy for Africa unlikely to be effective.

Impediments to industrialisation

The first issue is global, competition. Africa sees its key competitive advantages lying in two factors, a young and cheap labour force and growing population providing a growing market. This is true, but it is not unique. Nations such as India, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Indonesia etc. all have young and growing populations and unlike Africa they are much better integrated into global trade networks, and already have attracted significant manufacturing industries such as textiles and vehicle assembly, in short, we are competing against other regions who are farther down the road than us. Second, infrastructure is not enough. The cost of production (into which the costs of power, labour and transport are big factors) is a significant element in the thinking of potential investors but they also need legal security, the knowledge that their intellectual property, and contracts will be protected and enforced. They require physical security for their facilities, goods and workers and they need stable regulatory and tax regimes. These additional factors are unfortunately not always the focus of government industrialisation policy. Third, automation. As automation decreases the need for labour in manufacturing industries, cheap African labour becomes less and less of a draw to potential industrial investors.

Thus, African leaders and policy makers face a conundrum. The strategy they are pursuing is subject to competition from better placed nations in other regions, the focus on infrastructure is not enough and technology may take the jobs we are hoping to attract.

Reimagining industrialisation

In the face of this Africa needs to get creative, we need to reimagine industrialisation for Africa and there are several ways we can do this.

  • Agriculture as industry

Farming is the primary source of food and income for Africans and provides up to 60 percent of all jobs on the continent. [4] It is impossible to industrialize without the agricultural sector playing a significant role and it is no accident that China, Japan and South Korea all pursued land and agricultural reform as the first step in their industrialisation. Africa’s agriculture sector holds immense potential not just for growing food but for value addition (processing and marketing of agricultural products). Most agricultural products exported from the continent are exported as raw or lightly processed and this is a problem. Every sack of coffee and tea exported elsewhere to be processed and sold, all the cocoa exported elsewhere to be made into chocolate, all the avocados exported to be made into guacamole, palm oil, etc (this list could go on) is millions of jobs of and billions of dollars of income lost. African governments must make a concerted effort to bring these jobs to Africa, put in place tax incentives, tax penalties, regulations and make available funding to ensure that processing into finished products takes place on the continent. Furthermore, African governments need to help agricultural producers and processors understand the markets they want to serve, what sort of production and logistics chain they will need, what trade and safety regulations do they need to obey.  Creating jobs and income in agriculture will have significant impacts on other industries. All those people with jobs and increased income will want to buy goods and services in other industries which would make Africa an even more attractive investment destination for the industries that we are trying to attract. Agriculture, agricultural processing and marketing can be the foundation of industrialisation on the continent and it is high time governments recognised that and gave it the focus and help it needs.

  1. Don’t be afraid to copy

Many countries such as Japan, China even Germany in the 18th century kickstarted their industrial growth by copying others, not their policies but goods. Japanese cars, and Chinese electronics started out being derided as cheap knock offs, today they are global leaders in their industries. African policy makers should search for commonly imported goods that can be made cheaply on the continent and provide incentives and protection for African businesses to make them on the continent. Why import second-hand American clothes when they can be made in Africa, why import expensive medicine when we can set up generic pharmaceutical manufacturing, why import motorcycles that can just as easily be assembled on the continent. This will take some courage from leaders on the continent as they will face resistance from importers and foreign governments but only by being bold can we achieve industrialisation.

  1. Give African investors and entrepreneurs a leg up

In 1958, the USA created the Small Business Investment Company (SBIC) program to facilitate the flow of long-term capital to America’s small businesses. The SBIC partners with private investors to that finance small businesses.[5] Over the course of it is lifetime the SBIC has provided over $60 billion dollars of funding to small businesses and despite many of them not ending up as success stories, the ones that have succeeded (figure 1) are worth much more than all the money that has been lent out over the course of it is history. The biggest is Apple, back in its early days before it had much private investors apple received a loan from the SBIC which was crucial in allowing it to produce it is first products and get additional investment. Today, Apple is worth over $900 billion[6]. African governments must show the same willingness to invest in African businesses as the private sector has not done so yet and we cannot sit around hoping it will. If only one of these investments is half as successful as Apple it can transform the continent.

Figure 1 (source: http://www.sbia.org/?page=success_stories)

  1. Trade with each other.

Intra-African trade is pitifully low (figure 2). And despite much talk and several initiatives on the subject it remains more expensive and much more of a headache for African countries to trade with each other. This must change, initiatives such as the Continental Free Trade Area[7] and regional trading blocs require leadership and concrete policy from the continent not just lip service. Furthermore, it is important that governments make a concerted effort to link African businesses, and traders with markets across the continent. It is not enough to build infrastructure and sign trade agreements, businesses need to know the regulations of other markets and most importantly link up with whom they can work. African governments have embassies and diplomats across the continent, but they do little work in the commercial realm. They can be tasked with identifying opportunities in export markets as well as providing information to businesses in other countries on opportunities, tax and regulatory information and key contacts at home. Jump starting intra-African trade will require a concerted effort to link African businesses to African markets.

Figure 2 Africa’s intraregional trade as a % of the continent total trade 2002-10

Industrialisation African style.

Industrialisation policy on the continent requires a rethink. African leaders and policy makers must recognise that the world has changed, and we cannot simply copy what Asian countries did 40 years ago or western countries did in the 19th century. Africa must forge its own path to industrialisation and development and doing so will require policy that capitalizes on Africa’s own advantages in agriculture. That is bold and aggressive in kick starting industries such as being willing to copy products and processes. It will require African governments to step up to the plate and fund African businesses that will be at the forefront of indigenous industrialisation. And it will require governments to proactively open up and allow Africans to trade with themselves.

If we want to create the millions of jobs that Africa needs, to move our economies into the next stage of development we must be bold and imaginative. We must re-conceive industrialisation to the African context and remake our policy to pursue it. If not, I fear in another 50 years we will still be wondering when if at all Africa can industrialize.

 

[1] https://www.uneca.org/sites/default/files/PublicationFiles/era2016_executive-summary_en-rev6may.pdf

[2] https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/industrialization

[3] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Industrialisation

[4] https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2016/01/22/foresight-africa-2016-banking-on-agriculture-for-africas-future/

[5] https://www.sba.gov/sbic

 

[6] http://money.cnn.com/2017/11/03/investing/apple-market-value-900-billion/index.html

[7] https://au.int/en/ti/cfta/about

Africa can and should have universal healthcare.

WE ALSO COMMIT OURSELVES to take all necessary measures to ensure that the needed resources are made available from all sources and that they are efficiently and effectively delivered. In addition, WE PLEDGE to set a target of allocating at least 15% of our annual budget to the improvement of the health sector – Abuja Declaration 2001

In April 2001, the heads of state of African Union countries met and pledged to set a target of allocating at least 15% of their annual budget to improve the health sector. Yet almost decade later, not only have just a handful of African nations allocated the pledged amount of money to their healthcare systems, but Africa still has the worst health outcomes in the world (figure 1). The poor and vulnerable still have limited access to healthcare, the insurance and coverage schemes that do exist usually miss out those in the informal sector who make up a sizable portion of the African workforce. Despite some marked improvements since 2001 too many Africans are still falling victim to diseases that could be prevented, too many Africans are being made bankrupt paying medical bills for friends and family and far too many Africans are going without the care they need lowering their quality of life.

Figure 1 source: Angus S. Deaton and Robert Tortora, People in Sub-Saharan Africa Rate Their Health And Health Care Among The Lowest In The World 2015, Health Affairs

 

If we are to think of development as being people centred, then the health of the people is crucial. Quality of life (not to mention length of life) improves significantly when everyone has access to quality healthcare at an affordable cost (which is the WHO’s definition of universal healthcare[1]). If Africa is serious about development we must get serious about healthcare, and the best way to do that is through pursuing universal healthcare. Many will say this isn’t possible, it is too expensive, or African countries simply do not have the resources, however both Botswana and Rwanda show that not only can universal healthcare be done in Africa, but there is more than one way to do it. Thus, the question African policy makers should be pursuing is what do we have to do create quality, affordable healthcare with access for all.

Lessons from Botswana and Rwanda

Rwanda and Botswana have slightly different ways of implementing universal healthcare. Botswana operates a fully public system where the governments owns over 95% of healthcare facilities. The system is built around the delivery of primary healthcare which is available through an extensive network consisting of;

  • 844 mobile stops and 338 health posts which deliver primary preventative care to all it is citizens;
  • 272 clinics (101 of which have beds) which provide outpatient and general inpatient care;
  • and finally, there are the district hospitals and the two referral hospitals which provide long term and complex care and procedures.[2]

Almost all services are free except people between the ages of 5 and 65 pay 5 pula (‘USD’ or ‘$’ 0.50) for general check-ups.

Rwanda pursues universal health through a mandatory health insurance system called Mutuelles de Sante. The scheme is community based, residents of a particular area pay about ‘USD’ or ‘$’ 6 into a community insurance pool, richer citizens are charged higher premiums and for those who can pay a 10% service fee is paid for each visit to a health centre or hospital. Like Botswana Rwanda’s system is decentralised and built around providing primary care through;

  • 34 health post which do outreach activities such as immunisations, antenatal care and family planning;
  • 18 dispensaries and 442 health centres which provide preventative and primary care, out and inpatient services and maternity care;
  • 48 district hospitals which provide inpatient and outpatient care and 4 referral hospitals which provide specialised complex care.[3]

In both countries over 90% of the population have access to affordable healthcare whose quality has seen significant improvement over the last decade.

Botswana and Rwanda hold valuable lessons for policy makers on the continent. The first and most important being that universal healthcare is possible. Secondly multiple funding models are available and there is no reason that you cannot mix match payment, insurance and tax revenue to pay for it. Third, to be effective, primary and preventative health must be at the centre of the system. Primary healthcare focuses on people and their communities, by providing preventative and early continuous care and education, treatment of illnesses before they become life threatening and the early identification of serious health issues that require specialist treatment. Fourth you need appropriate infrastructure, specifically clinics, dispensaries and health posts/centres that are situated in communities around the country and are just as important as big hospitals. If you only invest in big hospitals they will end up being crowded with patients who could have been more effectively treated in facilities in their own communities. Investing in community health centres and facilities ensures that everyone has access to healthcare close to home and that large hospitals can take care of those who need the most help. Finally, we need to invest in people, and this strikes me as part of the solution to an existing problem. Africa has far too many young men and women who are educated but unemployed, to me this presents an untapped pool of administrators, doctors, nurses, pharmacists and clinical technicians who would be needed staff a universal health care system.

Health as development

Universal healthcare in Africa is achievable but only if our governments begin to think of healthcare as just as important to development as roads, power, jobs and education. Fundamentally healthier people are happier people. Universal healthcare will significantly improve the quality of life for hundreds of millions of people, it would take away the spectre of going broke because you, or a relative got sick and it could provide millions of meaningful jobs for young men and women who would jump at the prospect.

In 1948 Great Britain was broke and had just come out of two devastating world wars in the space of three decades, yet it was in that year that they launched the National Health Service which was and still is based on 3 principles; ‘That it meet the needs of everyone, that it be free at the point of delivery, and that it be based on clinical need, not ability to pay.’[4] Today, the NHS is the institution that the British are most proud of. Today, like Britain in 1948, Africa is not rich and faces a myriad of challenges, but we can and should dream big, that all Africans should all have access to quality affordable universal healthcare. If development in Africa is to mean anything surely it must mean that Africans can live full and healthy lives, it is time to bring the Abuja declaration to life.

 

 

 

[1] http://www.who.int/health_financing/universal_coverage_definition/en/

[2] http://www.gov.bw/en/Ministries–Authorities/Ministries/MinistryofHealth-MOH/About-MOH/About-MOH/

[3] http://www.hrhconsortium.moh.gov.rw/about-rwanda/health-system/

[4] https://www.nhs.uk/nhsengland/thenhs/about/pages/nhscoreprinciples.aspx

Being poor is a crime: to develop Africa needs criminal justice reform

“We must change our lawless habits, our attitude to public office and public trust. We must change our unruly behaviour in schools, hospitals, marketplaces, motor parks, on the roads, in homes and offices. To bring about change, we must change ourselves by being law-abiding citizens” – President Muhammadu Buhari

 

It is not something at the top of the agenda of most politicians and governments and you rarely hear it on the campaign trail but Africa needs criminal justice reform. Most of the continent is still using laws that date back to the colonial era that criminalises things (like loitering, hawking and begging) that are targeted at the poor, too many people being held in jail are there awaiting trial and because they are poor they cannot afford bail. Most law enforcement across the continent is selective, and disproportionately targeted at the poor while those with money go free. This has made the police and the law an enemy of the people, rather than serve society the law is seen as a tool, a tool of repression and extortion and it is time for that to end. There have been any number of police reform efforts across the continent looking to deal with police corruption and ineffectiveness, and several governments have sought to increase police numbers to increase law enforcement coverage. However, very few have thought to look at the laws which the police and the courts are supposed to be enforcing, that if we had laws that actually sought to go after the crimes that affect people’s lives then law enforcement might work, that by making punishment and bail proportionate to crime, jails and courts could be decongested, that modern law enforcement must have modern, not colonial laws.

Colonial laws, colonial police

Governments across the continent have reformed land laws, education laws, health laws, marriage laws and many have written whole new constitutions, it is surprising that very few have thought that a modern criminal justice system, with modern laws, is necessary for development. A good example of this is Nigeria, Nigeria has 5 major criminal justice laws 4 of them (the Penal Code, the Criminal Code, the Criminal Procedure Act and the Evidence Act) all date back to the colonial era, and the Police Act dates back to pre-independence 1943[1]. As you can see from figure 1, criminal laws in much of former British colonial Africa descend from 19th-century British law.

Figure 1 Development of criminal codes in Africa during British colonialism Source: South African Litigation Centre[2]

Colonial justice was prejudiced against poor black Africans, and even though the explicitly racist provisions of the laws may be gone, their intent and the effect of policing, suppressing and intimidating poor black Africans are still there. Colonial police forces were not created to ‘protect and serve’, their primary mission was to protect the state which meant suppressing resistance, fighting crime and protecting society was a secondary mission. The symbol of this is VIP protection, is it any surprise that state officials and politicians across the continent have (often excessive) police protection while police are spread thin in the places where they are needed most.

The second key issue is the focus of colonial criminal laws, prisons, and the colonial system for used imprisonment as the primary form of punishment and as a result, Africa’s prisons are desperately overcrowded (figure 2)

Figure 2 Top 10 African jail Occupancy level (based on official capacity) – source world prisons brief

And far too many of these people are people on remand or pre-trial detention (figure 3), which means they have not been convicted of a crime yet but are waiting to face trial and are too poor to afford the bail terms.

Figure 3 Top 10 African Pre-trial detainees/remand prisoners – source world prisons brief

In short, we have old laws focusing the justice system not on the protection of its citizens but on protecting the state and in the process allowing criminals to flourish. The court system based on these old laws jails anyone for anything (such as vagrancy which makes it a crime to be poor and present) and as a result, our prisons are overcrowded, mainly with poor people.

Reform law to enforce it.

Criminal justice reform must start with the laws that underpin it. Africa must reform its criminal justice laws, so long as the heavy hand of the law falls on the poorest and most vulnerable the rule of law will remain elusive. If we want true police reform, to end the culture of impunity that enables corruption and crime then people must have trust in the laws that underpin justice. And while we are at it we might just end up decongesting our jails and giving millions a chance to resume lives put on hold.

Ideally, the debate would start with a clean slate, asking two key questions what is the purpose of these laws and do they contribute to the safety and security of the public. Reform of criminal laws would allow us to look at what should be a criminal offence, decriminalising things like loitering, begging, and hawking will stop criminalising people for simply being poor. Then we can have a discussion about decriminalising social problems such as prostitution or marijuana/khat/miraa possession, it may be controversial, but the debate should be had. How can and should we punish serious offences and misdemeanours, jail is not the only solution, particularly for petty crimes and especially for people with addiction problems or mental health problems who need help, not punishment.

If we are to change our lawless habits as President Buhari suggests then Africans must have fair laws. We must have laws that target crime and insecurity that acknowledge that poverty is not a crime, and police services that protect people, rather than colonial forces in all but name that protect the state. Development requires justice, it requires safe and secure communities, it requires the rule of law that applies to all without fear or favour. It’s time criminal justice reform was moved to the top of the agenda of African governments policy agenda.

 

[1] https://guardian.ng/features/youthspeak/time-to-mend-nigerias-broken-criminal-justice-system-1/

[2] https://southernafricalitigationcentre.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/05_SALC-NoJustice-Report_The-Persistence-of-Colonial-Vagrancy-Laws-in-Southern-Africa.pdf

What is Development?

Freedom should not be understood to mean leadership positions or even appointments to top positions. It must be understood as the transformation of the lives ordinary people in the hostels and the ghettos; in the squatter camps; on the farms and in the mine compounds. 

It means constant consultation between leaders and members of their organisations; it demands of us to be in constant touch with the people, to understand their needs, hopes and fears; and to work together with them to improve their conditions. – Nelson Mandela

This is the question at the centre of the African story, at least when it comes to policy, yet we do not seem to have that discussion, leaving it open to be defined by those in power rather than those whose lives its supposed to change. In academia the question as to what development is much debated but it has failed to leave the confines of the ivory tower and development aid industry. Today development is too much like beauty, it’s in the eye of the beholder, every time the government builds a footbridge or a railway it claims development, economists and business leaders look at economic growth figures and call that development, the UN looks at the Human Development Index and Sustainable Development Goals and calls that development. What about the people, those for whom this development is being done, it seems to me that if the vision of development being pursued was one that came from the people, then governments and international development agencies may have more success pursuing it.  A policy shift to people centred development, that actually takes what people want and need into account would in my view make the whole notion of development much more relevant and impactful.

Roads, railways and power.

Most of the continent is busily pursuing the infrastructure gap, which can be summarised as the need for infrastructure (roads, railways, power, water and sewage systems, housing etc.). In Africa the African Development Bank has estimated that Africa needs 95 billion US dollars a year to close its own infrastructure gap[1]. Governments have latched onto this and across the continent there is a massive building program being pursued. Physical infrastructure is perfect politically, its tangible and can (if done properly) make an impact on people’s lives, without the complicated political, administrative and moral issues that come with improving education or fighting corruption. Business and banks love it because they can make significant profits funding roads, railways and power stations while saying they are contributing to ‘development’. Infrastructure is important, there is no doubt about it, a road connecting a rural community to an urban market can radically increase opportunities, electricity has and can change the lives of the poor the world over, but is it development? I don’t think so, I see infrastructure as an enabler, a building block towards development, but not development itself.

GDP growth and jobs

You cannot have a conversation about development without someone bringing up GDP growth numbers. Despite academic attempts to dethrone economic growth as the primary indicator of development it is the standard statistic that people cite. But what does GDP growth actually tell us? GDP is the value of all the goods and services produced in an economy in any given period (usually quarterly or annually). So, when it grows, it means that the country is producing more things and as a whole earning more. However, it doesn’t tell you important details such as who is earning more – are the rich getting richer or is the additional income being spread to the middle and lower income groups. It doesn’t measure standard of living, or the quality of social goods such as healthcare and education. It is just an aggregate, a useful one but without context and additional data it doesn’t tell you whether peoples lives are actually improving. When people point at GDP growth and call it development, take it with a pinch of salt.

Ask the people?

What is missing from the development debate for me is the people, most of whom are still stuck without meaningful employment or prospects of progress, far too many living in poverty. What does development mean to them. I think at its core, development would be the ability to live a life with dignity. A life where our children have a decent education that gives them a chance at a future where families can rely on the health care system and have adequate housing. A job to support you and your families. A police force and courts that are fair and protect society and a government that respects our rights. Thus, to me development is about growing the economy in such a way that provides jobs and income for the majority, building the infrastructure that enables this, investing in social services that improves quality of life and the rule of law and respect for human rights. Development isn’t just about jobs, or growth, or new roads and power stations, to me it’s about uplifting the lives of Africans, and our development policy, whether economic, education, infrastructure or law and order has to have that as its goal. But that’s just me, ideally, we should start by asking the people. Governments around the continent would benefit from broad consultation process to see what their citizens consider development and make their policy on that basis.

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[1]https://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Publications/Africa%20Econo%20brief%202_Africa%20Econo%20brief%202%20(2).pdf