“No more empty promises, no more empty summits, no more empty conferences. It’s time to show us the money. It’s time, It’s time, it’s time. And don’t forget to listen to the people and places most affected.” – Vanessa Nakate Ugandan Climate activist

In November 2021, the world came together for the 26^th meeting of the Conference of Parties, CoP 26, in Glasgow. To build on the Paris climate change agreement and work towards keeping global temperature rises to 1.5 degrees or below. The outcome of summit was a disappointing agreement with weak promises to “phase down” instead of phase out coal, and a reaffirmation of the Paris agreement. Much of the progress hoped for at the summit was again punted down the road for finalisation at a future summit.

More relevant to us is to ask whether Africa’s goals were met. Frankly, no (you can read more here). On climate finance and technology transfers from the developed world to poor countries old unmet promises were remade, while African countries are already spending billions on climate adaption. On climate responsibility developed countries refused to accept responsibility for historic emissions and climate related losses.

The CoP process is not working for Africa, which despite being responsible for only 3.8% of emissions will be hardest hit by climate change, and through 26 CoP processes the progress on Africa’s climate agenda has been marginal. There is no reason to expect CoP 27 in Egypt in 2022 will be any different. In an earlier article I wrote about the need to strengthen African multilateralism, and climate change is an area that is ripe for that sort of initiative. Africa needs its own CoP, tailored around its climate needs and goals, mobilising climate finance and driving global climate action.

What should AfriCop look like?

Since 1992, world governments have met to forge a global response to the climate emergency. Under the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, COP stands for conference of the parties under the UNFCCC, the supreme decision-making body of the Convention.

This can be replicated under the African Union, all that would be needed is a resolution under the Heads of State Summit establishing an African Conference of Parties. The key question is what would this AfriCop do what should be its purpose?

1.Get rid of the begging bowl

There are two realities of climate funding that Africa must deal with

1. It is clear that the developed world cannot be relied on to keep its promise to provide $100 billion a year of climate funding. I
2. Despite promises made by multinationals and hedge funds, the private sector cannot be relied upon to provide adequate climate funding or investment. The case of the UN backed climate fund launched with much fanfare and promises on the brink of collapse is emblematic of this.

As a result, it is time to get rid of the current funding strategy of holding out the begging bowl and develop a new funding model. This can and should be a core mandate of an AfriCop and there are several options available to Africa:

• Africa could use its vast Fossil Fuel resources. Not by digging up the coal, oil, and gas, rather by selling it as a carbon offset. Realising the potential earnings and profits from these resources, while keeping that carbon that would otherwise have been emitted into our atmosphere in the ground. I explore the idea in more detail here.
• Africa’s mineral wealth goes beyond hydrocarbons, lithium, cobalt, copper, and rare earths that are critical for the manufacture of green technology are all found in abundance in Africa. This resource extraction, where it leaves continent, needs to be taxed properly closing off avenues for transfer pricing and other tax avoidance strategies. Something I wrote about here
• In 2016 the AU decided to implement a 0.2% levy on imported goods to finance the AU and reduce dependency on donor funding. This is an idea that can be revived, by imposing a tax on the carbon content of goods imported to Africa from industrialised economies most responsible for historic greenhouse gas emissions, the tax could potentially be waived if they meet their climate funding promises.

All these mechanisms would create funds in individual countries which they could use these as they please, maintaining the agency of those countries to decide what is most critical for them. A portion potentially going to one of the regional or African development banks to disburse to climate related projects or programs that have a continental or regional impact.

2. Develop and drive an African Climate agenda and voice

A dedicated AfriCop would be in the unique position of focusing on Africa’s climate needs and African solutions to climate change. And this presents two critical opportunities.

First to develop a much stronger foundation for the African Group of Negotiators when representing Africa at global summits and treaty negotiations, a stronger more united African voice would have a much greater impact on the world stage and would weaken the efficacy of divide and rule tactics.

Second, to build bridges and common positions with the other developing world countries and regions that face a similar climate dilemma (largest impacts with the least resources to mitigate or prevent them) developing strategies and proposals that can be put forward and pushed at a global level for the benefit of the so-called Global South.

Third, AfriCop can provide a constant consistent African voice on climate both on the continent and on the world stage. Not just coordinating and pushing an agenda but telling Africa’s story on the impact of climate and what we are and can do about it.

Conclusion

Some of you may be reading this thinking that Africa does not need yet another organisation to add to the plethora of regional and continental organisations across the continent that do little. I share that scepticism; however, of all things the Covid-19 Pandemic gives me hope.

After the Ebola crisis of 2014, the 26th Ordinary Assembly of Heads of State and Government to improve coordination among health institutions among African Union member states in dealing with disease threats set up, The Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC) as a public health agency of the African Union to support the public health initiatives of member states and strengthen the capacity of their health institutions to deal with disease threats. The Africa CDC has exceeded the expectations of many throughout the pandemic, it has worked to coordinate responses across the continent, collectively acquire PPE, resources, and vaccines for the continent, spread learnings and experience from one country to all and worked to help government across Africa more effectively manage the pandemic.

Climate poses a similar challenge to health threats. Those threats pose a challenge to us all, second no individual country has the capacity and resources to face the challenge alone. Third, this issue affects aid and grant giving nations and like the pandemic, when they are under threat, Africa is an afterthought at best. Thus, similar conditions exist in climate policy as they did in health for a pan-African institution or initiative to find wide acceptance, buy in and cooperation among African governments and publics to make it viable. Africa needs its own CoP, its way to drive an Africa focused agenda both at home and on the global stage, and the elements exist for it to be viable and successful.